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13/4/06

Open Letter to Wyclef Jean and Samuel Dalembert | Haiti’s Election Failed Rural Voters | TiPapa Lucian, age 11: “Now I live in the streets”

 

   

Date: 13 April 2006 21:14:31 BDT

Open letter to Wyclef Jean and Samuel Dalembert by Jean Yves Point-du-Jour

On Wednesday April 12, 2006, while listening to Radio Leve Kanpe’s morning news program, I was surprised to learn that Haiti Democracy Project will be given an award to Wyclef Jean of Yele Haiti and Samuel Dalembert of the Philadelphia 76ers; the gentleman who was making the announcement informed the listeners that the event is $150.00 per person. I am writing to ask both Mr. Jean and Mr. Dalembert to reconsider and decline to participate in this event for the following reasons:

Haiti Democracy Project (HDP) was created with the sole purpose of becoming a catalyst of destabilization for Haiti. Everyone is aware of the role that the infamous Roger Noriega, former Assistant Secretary of State at the State Department had played in the kidnapping and overthrowing of the Aristide government on February 29, 2004. Roger Noriega is to Haitians what Ben Laden is to Americans. HDP was and is still one of Roger ‘Ben’ Noriega’s Lieutenants like Khalid Mohammed was to Ben Laden. A great deal of activities undertaken by Roger Noriega to undermine the Aristide government and the aspirations of Haitians was conducted through the Haiti Democracy Project working in coordination with the Group of 184 and other organizations such as the International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Today, the Haiti Democracy Project is known as the ‘Haiti Death Project’. For the past 2 years, we have seen the results of those individuals’ actions at work in Haiti.

Subsequent to the February 29, 2004 coup d’etat, it is estimated that Haiti has moved 15 years backward. They have brought death, destruction into our country. They have engulfed the society in a web of division unseen in Haitian history. They have shown total disrespect for the welfare and the rights of the majority of Haitians. Today, Haiti does not have any room for such organizations. The majority of the Haitian people want to live in peace. They would like to have a better tomorrow for themselves, their families and their country, our country. They have just proven it again on February 7, 2006. It is quite ironic that HDP is giving both of you awards for helping the people that HDP has always worked to undermine their rights and their wishes, people that HDP called ‘chimeres’.

We, Haitians, have to start doing our homework when it comes to associating with many such organizations in the Diaspora. We cannot continue to correlate ourselves with those organizations whose sole objectives are to work to defend the interests of a minority of individuals at the expense of the majority and the detriment of the country itself. Let me take this opportunity to tell you that it is my intention to write a letter asking President-elect Rene Preval to declare ‘James Morrell and the Haiti Democracy Project persona non grata’ so as to stop those terrorists from continuing to create mayhem for the Haitian mass.

Mr. Jean and Mr. Dalembert, your contributions to bring relief to the masses are greatly appreciated. Do not let your work and name be part of those who are proven to be the enemies of the Haitian mass. I am urging you to reconsider and to decline to participate in any event sponsored by this terrorist organization based in Washington DC. Do not let yourself be used by organizations such as HDP to raise money to promote any more destruction to our country, bring more death and misery to our brothers and sisters.

Patriotically,

Jean Yves Point-du-Jour
Transportation Engineer
Maryland USA
yves@erols.com.

Endorsed by: The Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network (erzilidanto@yahoo.com) and Democracy For Haiti (yves@erols.com ) April 13, 2006

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– Open letter to Wyclef Jean and Samuel Dalembert by Jean Yves Point-du-Jour

– TiPapa Lucian, age 11: “Now I live in the streets”
by TiPapa Lucian as told to Lyn Duff

– Haiti’s Election Failed Rural Voters

– OAS| USAID & Wycef: Wyclef Jean Celebrates Alliance with PADF
and the Joint Progress of the “Clean Streets” Program In Haiti’s Poorest Slums

– For the Press, Student organizations, and other interested parties:
“HISPANIOLA: VOICES OF ITS PEOPLE ECHOING FREEDOM”
(in English, French, KREYOL and Spanish)

NÒT POU LAPRÈS
Sa kap fèt : Yon fowòm nou rele ‘Hispaniola, Samdi 29, 2006 a 9:30 di maten
NY: ‘Ispanyola: Vwa yon pèp kap kriye Libète’ se yon fowòm piblik nou pral mete sou pye. Se yon inisyativ Etidyan Dominiken ak Ayisyen nan Columbia University.

– Haiti’s Election Failed Rural Voters

Despite Public Praise, Haiti’s Election Failed Rural Voters
by J.P. Shuster

– Beyond Swollen Limbs, a Disease’s Hidden Agony
by DONALD G. McNEIL Jr. | New York Times, April 9, 2006

– Declassifying Canada in Haiti: Part II : Did Canada have plans to support another military coup in Haiti’ by Anthony Fenton and Dru Oja Jay | The Dominion

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Ezili’s Recommended HLLN Links:

HLLN’s Media Campaign to FREE the political prisoners in Haiti
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Join HLLN’S MEDIA Campaign to expose the corrupt role of the UN, US, Canada, OAS, France, this international community’s (the “International Community”) culpable role in keeping in office, over the OBJECTIONS of the majority of Haiti’s peoples, at home and abroad, for more than TWO years now, and training and paying a puppet Haitian government with no popular mandate and massive human rights abuses and political repression. Stop UN, US, OAS, Canada, France’s hypocrisy. Their authorities are the ones holding the political prisoners in Haiti, they are coup d’etat countries with the UN as their proxy. They are the RESPONDIAT SUPERIORS, not the puppet Latortue government or its corrupt and paid-off judges. Write to media urging them not to let the International Community pass the blame to their very employees – the Latortue death regime and its corrupt justice system. Demand that the mainstream media stop turning a blind eye to the truth in Haiti: the WHO holds the keys locking the political prisoners behind bars. It’s this INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY with UN soldiers as henchmen, wielding its defacto protectorate in Haiti, with Latortue regime as its proxy and “black face”

Demand that these coup d’etat implementers, FREE the people before giving back the reigns of government illegally held by the international community’s employees in Haiti.

– 3 Sample Letters for HLLN’s media campaign to protect the Feb 7th mandate,
release political prisoners, release Haiti’s children from prison immediately
https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-04/msg00002.html

– HLLN’s Urgent Action Request to the UN/US/France/Canada – RELEASE THE
POLITICAL PRISONERS before ceding Haiti back to a duly elected President and government! https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-04/msg00001.html

Turning Haiti into a Penal Colony: The Systemic Criminalization of Young Black Males in Haiti by Haiti’s US-imposed Miami government parallels US habit of criminalizing Blacks in the US| Haitian Perspectives by Marguerite Laurent, November 3, 2005
www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/damocles.html

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TiPapa Lucian, age 11: “Now I live in the streets” by TiPapa Lucian as told to Lyn Duff

My name is TiPapa. I am 11 years old. I am a street child; that means that I live and I sleep on the street. I grew up in the countryside, in the Northern Department.

My parents were farmers. We ate two times a day, in the morning and in the night time. In the morning we had mangos, avocados and plantains. Then we worked the land. It was my job to get water.

I walked up the mountain with the water in a bucket on my head. We grew small beans, peas, carrots, peppers, tomatoes, squash, pumpkins, potatoes and yams. My sister stayed at home to take care of our baby brother. Now he is 3 years old, but I have not seen him for a long time.

Sometimes my mother wrapped him in a cloth and carried him outside when she was working. When he cried, she sang songs to him about Jesus. At night we ate vegetables, soup or rice with peas or bean sauce, and then we went to sleep.

One day some men with guns came by the route through the forest. They talked to my parents. My mother was scared of them. They told her to cook food for them. She did, and after they ate, they left our house.

A while later, I was coming back from getting water, and I saw some more men in military uniforms were at my house. They wanted to take our food and the money my father had. They had guns, so he did not have any choice. He gave them everything we had.

The next week, my father took me with him on market day. We got up when it was still night time, and we walked for a long time. When we got to the market, he took me to a man who was driving a truck.

The man gave my father some money, and my father told me I was going to live in the city and work for a family and that they were going to send me to school. He told me I would be safe in the city because the soldiers had not arrived there yet.

I was sad, because I did not want to leave. We drove for a long time. Then we arrived in Port-au-Prince.

He sent me to live with some people as a restavek (unpaid domestic servant). They told me to call them “aunt” and “uncle,” but they did not treat me like family.

When I lived with them, I worked very hard. I cleaned the floors, I hauled water and I did all the chores. I did not go to school.

After I came to the city, the soldiers followed me here! They came to take the city and make the president go away to Africa. I saw the soldiers in my dreams with their guns.

I got tired of my hard life. Sometimes my “aunt” beat me. Her children hit me. I slept on the floor, and a lot of the time I was hungry.

I hated this hard life, so I ran away. Now I live in the streets. There are soldiers here too, but not Haitian soldiers like in the North. The ones here are foreigners.

Some are kind, and some are not kind at all. Some of the soldiers beat the children who sleep in the street, or they arrest the children and hand them over to the police.

If they ever try to give me to the police, I will misbehave. I will fight them like a mad man. I won’t let them give me to the police. Because if you go with the police, it is like “magic” you disappear and no one will ever see you again.

The police put you in the jail or you are taken away, and no one knows what happened to you or if you are alive or dead.

Lyn Duff, LynDuff@aol.com, is a reporter currently based in Port-au-Prince. She first traveled to Haiti in 1995 to help establish a children’s radio station and has since covered Haiti extensively for the Bay View, Pacifica Radio’s Flashpoints, heard on KPFA 94.1 FM weekdays at 5 p.m., and other local and national media

See also:

Turning Haiti into a Penal Colony: The Systemic Criminalization of Young Black Males in Haiti by Haiti’s US-imposed Miami government parallels US habit of criminalizing Blacks in the US| Haitian Perspectives by Marguerite Laurent, November 3, 2005 | www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/damocles.html

Letter’s to the Media – It’s the INTERNATIONAL EFFORT that has brought Haiti where it stands today. Stop these international LIES about Haiti, stop stealing and calling it “helping Haiti!” | Pouki sa lapres lang long fin dechennen kont pep Ayisyen an’ | Plans to make Haiti a penal colony and officially placed under UN Protectorate proceeds..
https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-03/msg00002.html

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– OAS| USAID & Wycef:

Wyclef Jean Celebrates Alliance with PADF
and the Joint Progress of the “Clean Streets” Program In Haiti’s Poorest Slums

Washington, DC (April 5, 2006)-Grammy winning social activist and Haitian native, Wyclef Jean celebrated the groundbreaking alliance between his foundation Yéle Haiti and the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) during the 5th Annual Global Philanthropy Forum held in Washington, DC, this week.. Over the past year, the two organizations have created a unique brand of development melding the social capital of Wyclef’s hip hop fame with the technical know-how and resources of PADF’s operations on the ground in Haiti.

The most successful example to date of this partnership has been the “Clean Streets” program, known as Pwojè Lari Pwòp in Creole. Funded by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to remove garbage in the Port-au-Prince area, the project has created jobs and a more stable environment in the midst of social and political turmoil.

Wyclef and Yéle Haiti are working with PADF to implement the program with PADF managing the technical implementation and Yéle Haiti developing the branding and public outreach to engage the local populations. To further increase awareness of the project and the importance of improved sanitation, Wyclef and PADF launched a hip hop competition where youth from three slums-Cité Soleil, Bel Air, and Mache Salamon-were invited to create and perform original songs on the theme of cleaning up the country.

The project’s 1,700 daily workers have contributed to the reopening of several miles of streets in Port-au-Prince and the slum areas, making them accessible for food and service delivery, among other things. The project’s slogan is Respekte tèt ou, netwaye peyi w-which means “Respect yourself, clean your country.”

However, cleaning the streets is only the first step in the project’s longer-term vision of creating more sustainable opportunities for development in the depressed zones of Port-au-Prince, including rebuilding schools, roads, and community centers and engaging the private sector to support small business development and the foundation of a healthy civil society.

Despite the recent months of street violence and political turmoil, the “Clean Streets” project has continued to work uninterrupted and unhindered by local gangs. As a result of its success, USAID has recently agreed to extend the program for one year and expand its focus to include the rehabilitation of crucial infrastructure in the slum areas with the active participation of the community members through a community driven development approach.

“Yéle Haiti and the Pan American Development Foundation’s approach is simple-today clean streets, tomorrow better schools, and in the near future a way of life transformed by jobs and opportunities for all Haitians,” said John Currelly, PADF’s Country Director in Haiti.

The Pan American Development Foundation (PADF) is a 501 (c)(3) organization established in 1962 through a unique partnership between the Organization of American States and private enterprise to promote, facilitate, and implement social and economic development in Latin America and the Caribbean through innovative partnerships and integrated involvement of the private and public sectors.

# # #

Dale A. Crowell
Director of Communications
Pan American Development Foundation
Organization of American States Building
1889 F Street, NW, Second Floor
Washington, DC 20006
Tel: (202) 458-6502
Fax: (202) 458-6316
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EVENT: Hispaniola: Voices of Its People Echoing Freedom
PLACE: The Riverside Church, 91 Claremont St, NY, Room MLK 411
DATE/TIME: Saturday April 29, 2006 at 9:30am
Contacts: Alba Mota at am2360@columbia.edu/212-729-3086 or Holly Guzmán at hg2064@columbia.edu

“HISPANIOLA: VOICES OF ITS PEOPLE ECHOING FREEDOM”

Is an open forum organized mostly by Dominican and Haitian students from Columbia University, Arelis Figueroa from The Latino Ministry at The Riverside Church, Haitian Student Association from LIU, City College students, Professor Falade from LIU, the Dominican Solidarity with the Haitian Community in DR, and Kalunga Neg Maroon Group to provide a space for dialogue at all levels as well as brainstorming among students, community members, professionals, scholars, and allies concerned with issues pertaining to human rights, and Dominican and Haitian affairs. The persistence of the violations of Haitians’ human rights in the Dominican Republic, concurrent with the Dominican and Haitian governments’ neglect to address these violations are the main driving forces for the coordinators. The involvement of the Diaspora communities within the United States at the Forum is a pivotal element for the alliance the collaborators want to ultimately achieve.

Concerned Dominican and Haitian students from Columbia University, City College, Long Island University, and other schools, along with various community organizers, and professors began a collaboration to generate momentum and solidarity among Haitians and Dominican in the Diaspora. This open forum looks to provide the necessary information and tools to better tackle with the Haitian crisis in the Dominican Republic. As a result, the forum emphasis will provide a point of convergence for Dominican and Haitian immigrants and descendants in the Diaspora. Three main goals will be accomplished:

1. First, it is essential to reach a mutual and clear understanding of the Hispaniola historical perspective as an island/two nations, followed by an update of the current socioeconomic and political situations maintaining both nations torn and in misery;

2. The second goal is to sketch a proactive plan supported by action, unity, respect, willingness and collaboration between Dominican and Haitian descendants residing in the United States. This plan must be socially inclusive and take into account the time, commitment and energy required for success;

3. Thirdly, to transform this proactive plan into a concrete instrument that would help to halt the hostile relationships between the two countries and change Dominicans’ mentality towards Haitians.

Please Contact: am2360@columbia.edu or 212-729-3086/ hg2064@columbia.edu

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NÒT POU LAPRÈS

Sa kap fèt : Yon fowòm nou rele ‘Hispaniola : Voices of Its People Echoing Freedom’

Ki lè lap fèt: Samdi 29, 2006 a 9:30 di maten
Ki kote lap fèt : The Riverside Church, 91 Claremont St, NY, Room MLK 411
Kontakte: Winnie (917-332-8746) / Ruthee (857-891-1050) / Alba Mota (212-729-3086)

‘Ispanyola: Vwa yon pèp kap kriye Libète’ se yon fowòm piblik nou pral mete sou pye. Se yon inisyativ Etidyan Dominiken ak Ayisyen nan Columbia University, Arelis Figueroa nan seksyon latino nan Legliz Riverside, Asosyasyon Etidyan Ayisyen nan LIU, Etidyan nan City College, Pwofesè Falade nan LIU, Solidarite Dominiken ak Kominote Ayisyèn nan Repiblik Dominikèn, ansanm ak ‘Kalunga Neg Maroon Group’.

Entansyon yo se kreye yon espas pou dyalòg kab fèt nan tout nivo ak yon braselide ant etidyan yo, kominote yo, pwofesyonèl yo, moun save yo, ak tout lòt patnè ki pran konsyans Abi Dwa Moun, ak latwoublay ki egziste nan relasyon ant Dominiken ak Ayisyen. Abi dwa moun ke pèp ayisyen ap sibi san pran souf nan Dominikani, an menm tan gouvènman dominiken ak gouvènman ayisyen pa fè anyen pou sa, se sa ki mete van nan moulen kowòdinatè fowòm piblik sa. Angajman kominote dyaspora tou 2 pèp yo sou Fowòm sa se boulpik Alyans lan kowòdinatè yo vle mete nan djakout yo.

Etidyan ki konsyantize, nan Columbia University, City College, Long Island University, ak lòt lekòl ankò, ansanm ak òganizatè kominote yo e pwofesè yo tou, kòmanse yon gwo konbit pou deklanche yon mouvman solidarite ant Ayisyen ak Dominiken nan Dyaspora a. Fowòm piblik sa pral bay tout enfòmasyon ak tout zouti nou bezwen pou angaje nan konba kont kriz sa Ayisyen ap travèse nan Dominikani. Se sa ki fè fowòm lan pral fè jefò pou li kreye yon konvèjans ant imigran Ayisyen e Dominiken, ak desandan yo tou. Men twa objektif-kle fowòm sa vize pou li reyisi :

1. Tou dabò, fòk nou klè nan pèspektiv istorik nou ke Ispanyola (Ayiti ak Kiskeya) se 2 nasyon nan yon grenn zile, e fòk nou konprann byen siyasysyon sosyal, ekonomik e politik kap kenbe tou 2 pèp yo nan divizyon ak nan mizè nan jounen jodi a;

2. Dezyèm objektif la se pwodui yon pwogram prevantif, ki makonnen ak aksyon, inyon, respè, detèminasyon, e kolaborasyon ant desandan Dominiken ak desandan Ayisyen kap viv Ozetazini. Fòk tout moun, kèlkeswa kondisyon sosyal yo, kapab patisipe ladan, e fòk nou konsidere valè tan, volonte, ak enèji kap nesesè pou pwogram sa reyisi;

3. Dènye objektif la, se pou nou transfòme plan daksyon sa e fè li tounen yon zouti efikas pou kwape move relasyon ant de peyi yo, e ki pou chanje mantalite sitwayen Dominiken parapò Ayisyen yo.

Kontakte: Winnie (917-332-8746) / Ruthee (857-891-1050) / Alba Mota (212-729-3086)
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Comunicado de Prensa

EVENTO: Hispaniola: Voices of Its People Echoing Freedom
LUGAR: La Iglesia de Riverside, 91 Claremont St, NY, Salón MLK 411
FECHA/HORA: Sábado 29 de abril de 2006 a las 9:30am
Contactos: Alba Mota al am2360@columbia.edu/212-729-3086 o Holly Guzmán al hg2064@columbia.edu

‘HISPANIOLA: VOICES OF ITS PEOPLE ECHOING FREEDOM’

Es un foro abierto y organizado mayormente por estudiantes de la Columbia University de decencia Dominicana y Haitiana, Arelis Figueroa del Ministerio Latino de la Iglesia de Riverside, La Asociación de Estudiantes Haitianos de Long Island Univeristy, estudiantes de City Collage, la Profesora Falade de la LIU, La Solidaridad Dominicana con el Pueblo Haitiano en RD, el Grupo Kalunga Neg Maroon Group para formar un dialogo en todos los ámbitos de esta sociedad y para también empezar la planificación que involucre a todos los participantes e invitados como son los estudiantes, miembros de la comunidad, los profesionales, académicos y los aliados interesados en el tema de los derechos humanos y los asuntos dominicos-haitianos. La persistente violación de los derechos humanos de la/os hermana/os haitianos en la Republica Dominicana junto con la negligencia del gobierno haitiano para acabar con estas violaciones son los principales motores impulsando a los coordinadores de este evento. La participación de la diáspora Haitiana y Dominicana en los Estados Unidos son elementos fundamentales en este Foro ya que la meta principal es una alianza entre ambos pueblos dentro y fuera de la Isla Quisqueya La Bella.

Estos estudiantes haitianos y dominicanos de las universidades de Columbia University, City College, Long Island University, y otras como también miembros de la comunidad y profesores comenzaron esta colaboración para motivar el espacio y solidarizarse entre la Diáspora Haitiana y dominicana. Este Foro busca proveer las informaciones y las herramientas para con eficacia disminuir/eliminar la crisis Haitiana en la Republica Dominicana. Como resultado este foro enfatiza el espacio de dialogo como punto de convergencia para estos dos pueblos en esta país. Tres metas son necesarias alcanzar:

1. Es primordial y esencial que logremos un mutuo entendimiento de la historia de la isla desde una perspectiva nación, o sea, una isla, dos pueblos, seguido por una actualización de los sucesos socio-político y socio-económico que mantienen a las dos naciones desechas y en miserias.

2. Segundo, delinear un plan pro-activo, seguido por acciones, unidad, respecto, y deseo de cooperación entre los descendientes haitianos y dominicanos residente en EEUU. El plan tiene que ser socialmente inclusivo y tener presente la energía y el comprometido que se requiere para su éxito.

3. Tercero, este plan debe ser la herramienta concreta la cual se ayudaría a la deceleración de los atropellos cometidos y la relación hostil entre dominicanos y haitianos así como también reversar la mentalidad de los dominicanos hacia nuestros vecinos haitianos.

Por favor de comunicarse al: am2360@columbia.edu o 212-729-3086/ hg2064@columbia.edu

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OCCASION: Hispaniola: Voices of Its People Echoing Freedom
LOCATION: The Riverside Church, 91 Claremont St, NY, Room MLK 411
DATE/HEURE: Samedi 29 Avril, 2006 à 9:30 am

Contacts: Alba Mota at am2360@columbia.edu/212-729-3086 or Holly Guzmán at hg2064@columbia.edu

“HISPANIOLA: VOICES OF ITS PEOPLE ECHOING FREEDOM”

C’est un forum organisé par des élèves dominicains et haïtiens de Columbia University et ouvert au public. Ce forum a pour but d’établir un espace de dialogue à tous les niveaux et de permettre un brainstorming entre élèves, membres de la communauté, professionnels, chercheurs et intéressés qui sont concernés par les droits humains et les affaires haïtiennes et dominicaines. Les constantes violations des droits humains des Haïtiens en République Dominicaine et l’indifférence flagrante des gouvernements des deux pays envers ces violations sont les points principaux de ce forum. Désormais les communautés de la Diaspora s’engagent à conjuguer leurs efforts pour lutter ensemble contre les conditions infrahumaines dans lesquelles les immigrants haïtiens vivent partout en République Dominicaine surtout dans les bateys.

Des élèves haïtiens et dominicains de Columbia University, City College, Long Island University et NYU, en concertation avec des organisateurs de la communauté collaborent pour trouver un espace de discussion et d’entente pour renforcer leur solidarité. Ce forum public cherche à fournir les informations et les outils nécessaires pour mieux comprendre la tragédie permanente des Haïtiens en République Dominicaine depuis plusieurs décennies. Ainsi, le forum offrira un point de convergence aux descendants dominicains et haïtiens de la Diaspora. Trois buts principaux sont visés:

1. Premièrement, il est essentiel d’arriver à une compréhension mutuelle de la perspective historique d’Hispaniola, île partagée par deux pays, et à l’actualisation des récentes situations socioéconomiques et politiques qui créent la misère et séparent ces deux nations;

2. Deuxièmement, il est essentiel de mettre sur pied un plan proactif pour susciter par des actions concrètes le respect, et la collaboration entre les descendants haïtiens et dominicains qui habitent aux Etats Unis. Ce plan doit être inclusif sur le plan social et nécessite de la patience, du dévouement, du désintéressement, une passion altruiste pour obtenir les résultats escomptés.

3. Troisièmement, il est essentiel de transformer ce plan en un instrument concret qui va aider à diminuer les tensions latentes entre les deux peuples dominicain et haïtien et les remplacer graduellement par des relations harmonieuses et fraternelles dans tous les domaines.

Contacter : am2360@columbia.edu or 212-729-3086/ hg2064@columbia.edu

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March 25, 2006

Despite Public Praise, Haiti’s Election Failed Rural Voters by J.P. Shuster

The two observers from the European Union planned to check in on the voting office in Sainton, a crumbling, one-room courthouse, just after 6 a.m. to confirm that the polls had opened on time and without irregularity. They would then continue on to the rest of the voting offices in the South-Aquin electoral district, including the three other offices in the commune of Fond des Blancs. But at 8:30 a.m., the young, French-speaking observers, one representing Luxemburg and the other, Belgium, remained hovering over the lists of registered voters posted on the courthouse doors. Joined by the voting office’s supervisor, Mr. Onald Beauvil, the three officials scanned for the names of registered voters, trying to deduce why the list did not match their official voting register, freshly printed on several sheets of loose-leaf hours before the voting office’s tardy opening.

The new voting process by identification card, the government’s ’first attempt at a reliable voter register,’ required that election officials permit only those whose names appeared on both the preprinted list of registered voters and the final voter register to vote.

The three disappeared inside to check the official voter register for the third time, and at the advice of the European Union observers, Mr. Beauvil permitted the first trickle of voters to begin casting ballots. And what about those whose names were not on the final register’ They were told to walk two to three hours to the next closest voting station in Frangipane to see if perhaps their names appeared on the neighboring locality’s final voting register instead.

The officials’ confusion began to wear on the voters’ patience some had stood in place for over three hours – and a crescendo of fiery accusations soon severed the morning air.

‘Four voting stations in Fond des Blancs’ Where’ We have no stations!’ cried Francois Frederick of Sainton over the swelling lines of irritated voters as he emerged from a fruitless attempt to vote. Scores of residents entered the small building after Mr. Frederick to find that the faulty final voting register also could not verify their registration.

Jean-Pierre Elias, a farmer from Sainton, emerged from the office, shouting curses onto the swelling lines of irritated voters. Like many voters eager to register, he had trailed the officials from the Office of Election Registration (BIV) to the voting office in Frangipane when the officials had not showed up in Sainton to register voters. The officials had assured Mr. Elias that their office would send his registration back to Sainton before the election, but inside the aging courthouse, Sainton’s final voting register did not have his name, and he too was denied his right to vote.

One couple, an elderly husband and wife, had started walking from Frangipane to Sainton at 3 a.m. after not finding their names on the preprinted list of registered voters, only to find that Sainton did not have their names on its final voting register either. Election officials told the couple they should walk back to Frangipane to check the other office’s final voting register, but could give them no assurance that their names would be there.

Out in the street, dozens of community members crowded Mr. Beauvil, who was frantically pleading with motorcycle drivers to help transport voters to Fond des Blancs’ three other voting offices. Other voters abandoned the chaos for home when the E.U. observers regretfully admitted, ’it is too late; there is no other plan.’

Without the capability of printing a revised final voting register for Sainton’s voting office, they could not reverse the problems already in motion.

The botched proceedings of the February 7 vote in Fond des Blancs, more specifically, at the voting office in Sainton, did not result only from a faulty list of registered voters. The mountainous, rural commune, like countless others in Haiti’s southern province, has had no substantial interaction with a national government since members of the international community froze development assistance to Rene Preval’s government in 2000. Its roads, made nearly impassable by a particularly harsh rainy season, even prevented non-governmental relief agencies from carrying vital food and medical supplies out to the population of roughly 45,000 predominately illiterate peasants for several months.

As plans for a national election circulated through the offices of Haiti’s interim government and the United Nations Mission in Haiti, Fond des Blancs saw little evidence of the preparations. Only a single presidential candidate, Guy Phillippe, the former military officer and coup leader, bothered to come speak to the community. It appeared that even the candidates had deemed Fond des Blancs inconsequential to their campaign. The international community – Canada, the European Union, and the United States ‘ barreled ahead with elections despite reports of grossly ill-prepared rural communities, thus building upon the area’s historic neglect by financing the elections without making any effort to retrieve Fond des Blancs from the socio-political margins.

Educating the population of Fond des Blancs on the revolving status of the election and about the details of the thirty-three candidates’ platforms progressed with similar laxity. Yves Rene Guillaume, a volunteer for the Department Election Bureau (BED) working to prepare the population of Sainton to vote, repeatedly found no one present at BED’s headquarters in Aquin to update him on the details of the election’s four postponements or to even provide him with his education materials. He had difficulty finding venues to speak at as uninformed community members assumed he was campaigning for individual candidates.

While a portion of the $73 million given to Haiti’s Interim Government (IGH) for the elections ’ almost $30 per vote cast – could have been used to provide the rural citizens with information on the election as well as rudimentary training on how to use the election’s new ballot, paid government officials left the work to a handful of ill-informed volunteers. As a result, hearsay perpetuated glorified claims about candidates raising Haiti’s minimum wage by 400 percent and voting with a new ballot system was left to the guesswork of mostly illiterate peasants.

’Many people are going to vote for the candidate with the best picture,’ predicted Mr. Guillaume.

Long-term election observers – those who had followed the election from within the country since before November ’ explained that an extremely late registration process in Sainton upset election preparations and poised the office for calamity on Election Day. Over a period of two weeks in October, officials from the Office of Voting and Inscription (BIV) came to Sainton a total of five isolated and unannounced days to register voters. On each of the five days, the officials only registered voters after a candidate running for commune deputy supplied his own generator and gasoline to print the legally-required identification cards. Many voters did not even know the BIV officials had come.

Before that time, however, the United States’ denial of the United Nation’s Stabilization Mission in Haiti’s (MINUSTAH) request for ten military helicopters to distribute election materials to Haiti’s more isolated rural localities confirmed that Fond des Blancs would become one of the many provincial communes to not only suffer from a lack of civic education and registration materials, but also from the absence of necessary election supplies.

On the day of the election, the erroneous final voting registers became palpable testimonies to an ill-prepared election process that at no time had the capacity to document the voices of Fond des Blancs’ isolated masses. Despite the two years of preparation and the seventy-three million dollars spent on Haiti’s 2005-2006 national election, less than two hundred of the four-hundred legally registered voters trying to vote in the Sainton voting office found their names on the preprinted list of registered voters, entered the dilapidated courthouse, matched their identification cards with the office’s final voter register, and successfully cast a ballot.

Likewise, Frangipane’s voting office permitted a mere sixty-four of the four hundred voters who had registered at the office to elect the next president and legislative body of their country. Still, the Interim Government of Haiti (IGH), the National Electoral Council (CEN), MINUSTAH, and the international community cannot cite any evidence that the pitiable minority of successful voters received sufficient education and formal instructions how to vote in accordance with the updated election regulations.

Some residents have speculated that political motivations of the above-mentioned groups contributed to the repeated neglect of Fond des Blancs’ voters. The residents charge that the groups, sensing a large support in Haiti’s rural communes for presidential frontrunner, Rene Preval, did not work to assure the community’s access to the polls, in an attempt to avoid a sweeping Preval victory.

Post-electoral events, including the highly disputed, non-transparent vote counting process that slowly reversed Preval’s initial leap towards a presidential victory one week after the election and the dozens of boxes containing ballots marked by and large for Preval found the following weekend by journalists digging through a Port-au-Prince landfill cannot allow for a complete denial of the residents’ grievance. Regrettably, the same non-existing government structures that prevented the majority of voters in Fond des Blancs from participating in the election have also left the people without a means to voice the concern.

UN Special Envoy Juan Gabriel Valdez, seeing the long line of voters pouring down the street past St. Pierre Church in Port-au-Prince, proudly declared Haiti’s presidential election to be ’a victory for democracy, a victory for Haiti.’ Though the majority of Fond des Blancs’s residents would celebrate the agreement giving Rene Preval the presidency eight days later, in Fond des Blancs, democratic elections alone could not claim the hard-earned victory.

The upcoming legislative runoff, now slated for April 21, will inevitably disenfranchise the same population again, as Haitian law does not permit residents who did not vote in the first round on February 7 to vote in the second round. Still without adequate information on the candidates’ platforms or any assurance that further organizational failure will not exclude even more residents from voting, many in Fond des Blancs are bracing for more confusion and disappointment at the polls on the 21. For others, there may be another way of thinking ’ attempt the election offices, stay, and watch the action of the officials ’ a sign that rural Haitians have learned to live the oft quoted admonishment, ’the price of Democracy is eternal vigilance.’

J.P. Shuster is a recent Boston College graduate and a former volunteer at the Haitian Multi-Service Center in Dorcester, MA. He currently lives and works in Fond des Blancs, Haiti as a volunteer for the St. Boniface Haiti Foundation, based in Randolph, MA.

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The New York Times

April 9, 2006

Beyond Swollen Limbs, a Disease’s Hidden Agony by DONALD G. McNEIL Jr.

LÉOGÂNE, Haiti ‘ Like many surgeons, Dr. Yves Laurissaint is a man supremely sure of himself.

“I’ve trained a lot of other surgeons to do this operation,” he said as he sliced open the engorged scrotum of 68-year-old Gesner Nicé, emptied more than a pint of clear liquid, then began trimming away with a cauterizing scalpel, filling the operating room with the acrid smell of burning skin. “But they don’t do it. They say it’s too complicated.”

Mr. Nicé, a woodcutter, has lymphatic filariasis, a disease in which clusters of four-inch worms as fine as blond hairs nest in the lymph nodes, the body’s drainage system, stretching them until lymph fluid can only drain downward.

To anyone who has visited poor tropical countries or seen pictures of the disease, the instantly recognizable symptom, which afflicts both men and women, is elephantiasis: legs so swollen that they resemble an elephant’s.

But 10 times as common is the symptom that is almost never spoken of: the engorged scrotums, known as male hydrocele (Greek for water bulge). In cities like Léogâne, more than a quarter of the men are tormented by the condition, their scrotum swelling to the size of a softball, or a basketball in severe cases.

The operation that Mr. Nicé received will help alleviate his suffering. But one great tragedy of lymphatic filariasis (pronounced lim-FAT-tick fill-ahr-EYE-us-sis) is that it is not curable.

Still, it is one of a handful of diseases world health experts hope to eliminate within a generation, because its spread can be prevented with deworming drugs that can even be distributed in household salt, an approach that wiped out the disease in China.

But the task is daunting, not merely because 120 million people in 80 countries have the worms, but also because of the stigma and secret shame that the affliction causes, particularly in men, turning filariasis into a disease the world hardly knows. Even where it is endemic ‘ 40 million people suffer its symptoms in the world’s most downtrodden places ‘ it is cloaked in ignorance and misunderstanding.

“It’s tied in with grinding poverty ‘ where you find it maps almost perfectly with the poorest of the poor,” said the Rev. Thomas G. Streit, director of the University of Notre Dame’s tropical disease program in Léogâne. “And it’s just heartbreaking.”

Dr. Jaime Z. Galvez Tan, former chairman of the Global Alliance to Eliminate Lymphatic Filariasis, a partnership of health agencies, donors and drug companies, called it “the disease at the end of the road.”

Imported from Africa with the slave trade, filariasis was long called “Barbados leg” and found as far north as Charleston, S.C. It can disappear spontaneously ‘ as it did in Barbados ‘ when countries prosper and the poor are able to afford window screens to block the mosquitoes that transmit the disease and local governments cover the sewers where they breed.

As common as filariasis remains, it is not easily contracted and is no threat to tourists. Unlike malaria, which can be transmitted by a single bite, it usually requires hundreds of bites from mosquitoes carrying male and female worms, which must crawl into the puncture, find each other in the victim’s body and then mate.

In poor countries like Haiti and Guyana the disease hangs on. It does not kill, but it crushes people’s spirits and often leaves poor farmers unable to work, which can mean starvation. The most pitiable can be spotted on rural roads, shuffling slowly along in oversize pants.

In central Nigeria, Dr. John Umaru, a worm-disease expert for the Carter Center, said he had seen a man “with a hydrocele down beyond his knee who made a pouch and strapped it around his neck so he could carry it.” He had heard of another who needed a wheelbarrow.

“Some guys just go off in the bush and cut it open,” he said. “They can’t live with it anymore. But then they often die of bleeding or infection.”

In Mr. Nicé’s case, his hydrocele, was about the size of a grapefruit, Dr. Laurissaint said. He could not lie down comfortably, walking hurt and he was embarrassed. “I can still climb coconut trees,” Mr. Nicé boasted from the operating table. (His hourlong operation was performed under local anesthesia.) “And even if you see in me an old man, I can still perform like a young man. I have nine children.”

As for those with swollen legs, there is little relief. All they can do is to wash their legs and feet daily to forestall infections as the skin breaks and elevate them to relieve the swelling.

The limbs cannot be surgically drained because the lymph fluid swells all the tissue instead of filling a pouch. The damage is permanent, because the overstretched lymph nodes do not shrink again; the worms eventually just die inside them.

For people with elephantiasis, big pants will not hide their affliction. Funguses that erupt between toes stink and draw flies. Children can be mocking. Lovers can be cruel.

Antoinette St. Fab, 30, sells rice and oil in an outdoor Léogâne market. Both her legs are swollen, but the left is enormous, almost a foot thick.

“In the past, I used to carry things like spaghetti and canned milk on my head and walk around selling them,” she said. “But I can’t do that anymore.”

Because she now washes her legs frequently and smears antibiotic cream on them, she rarely has the fevers of infected ulcers anymore. But the pressure hurts, and she has trouble finding even flip-flops to wear. She tries to hide her legs under ankle-length skirts, but she must slit them very high to walk.

Her husband left her when he realized that her legs would not shrink, she said. As her new boyfriend, a handsome out-of-work carpenter, sold goods nearby, she said, “I don’t know if he will leave me, too.”

The other market women can be vicious. “I stepped on someone’s foot by accident, and she said, ‘Hey, yam leg, don’t put your fat foot on me.’ I told her: ‘Oh, be quiet. God gave me this leg. Do you think that if I went to the store to buy a leg, this is the one I’d choose’’ “

Ms. St. Fab asked doctors to cut the leg off, but they refused, telling her a disfigured limb was better than none. Even if they had, the swelling could begin anew, higher up.

The worst known case was an Egyptian woman whose leg weighed 130 pounds, more than the rest of her. It literally anchored her to the floor of her sister’s house.

Treating symptoms can be costly. Hydrocele operations run from $30 to $120 in different countries. A program to teach washing and disinfection techniques costs about $17. But these steps do not aid in eradication, which is complicated and costlier still, because it means treating millions of people with deworming drugs every year, drugs that do not cure the disease itself, but prevent its being passed on by killing the baby worms that mosquitoes transmit.

Five years ago, the World Health Organization adopted eradication by 2020 as a goal, and progress toward it for the next five years will cost about $1.5 billion, the Global Alliance said. But that estimate assumes that billions of deworming pills will be donated by GlaxoSmithKline and Merck, that technical advisers will be lent by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta and that American graduate students and local people will work for no pay.

It also presumes continued financing from the biggest donors, including the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the World Health Organization and Unicef.

Even with money, eradication is tricky. When not placed in salt, deworming drugs must be handed out yearly in remote villages. “Bush laboratories” with microscopes and equipment to draw blood and track the effort must be set up.

Adding to the challenge, some “night bleed” tests must be done after dark, because baby worms swarm in the blood only then, when mosquitoes bite.

At Notre Dame’s guest house here, all the window grilles have one extra bar ‘ twisted into the S-shape of the filarial worm. It is called Residence Filariose. “If I get a donor who’ll give a million dollars, I’ll rename it after him,” Father Streit joked.

Léogâne, a coastal city of 150,000, has a perfect climate for the disease: as a sugar-cane area, it is full of rum distilleries. Culex mosquitoes, which carry the worms, lay their eggs in filthy water; the pools of cane squeezings and sewage are ideal nurseries.

But ignorance also abets the disease’s spread, for the embarrassment filariasis causes does not lend itself to easy public discussion. During a week in Haiti, a reporter was told by many people with filariasis that they had swellings because they were kicked in a soccer game or by a horse, or fell out of a tree or sat on a bewitched rock.

Ms. St. Fab said her mother, who also has elephantiasis, told her she got it from jumping rope too much as a schoolgirl.

SeBien Diogi, 80, a local voodoo priest, said gwopye ‘ Creole for gros pied or fat foot ‘ was caused by a white powder sprinkled on the ground, for which he sells a brown-powder antidote. Other folk healers suggest leeches and corn-mush poultices.

Even if infected people have a proper understanding of the disease, the adult worms are frighteningly hardy, too big for deworming drugs to kill and too deep in the body to remove surgically. Modern drugs aim to destroy the baby worms, called microfilariae.

Several drugs ‘ all first developed for deworming cattle and pets ‘ will kill the worms. They include Glaxo’s albendazole, Merck’s Mectizan (sold under the name Heartgard for dogs) and diethylcarbamazine, which is made cheaply by several companies, none of which donate as Glaxo and Merck do. But they are now available in only a quarter of the villages in the world where they are needed.

When he began working in Haiti in 1981, Dr. Patrick J. Lammie, co-director of the C.D.C. effort to eliminate filariasis in the Americas, the treatment was a 12-day course of diethylcarbamazine.

“We went house to house giving people a pill every day for 12 days,” he said. “It was a miserable experience.” Even now, with one annual dose, the task is gargantuan. Adult female worms breed for about six years before they die, so every infected person in the world must be dewormed annually for six years.

“Let’s say you were trying to make rats extinct, but there was no such thing as rat poison,” explained Dr. Frank O. Richards Jr., a C.D.C. parasitologist. “Instead, all you had was a form of once-a-year birth control. You’d have to find a way to make sure that every single female rat in the world got a dose every year until she reached menopause. Eventually rats would die out ‘ but you see how hard the job is. If just a few rats somewhere stayed untreated, it could bounce back.”

Also, the drugs work better when taken together, which complicates logistics.

An alluring aspect, however, is that people like their side effects: they kill other worms. Within days, mothers see their toddlers pass hookworms, schoolboys with schistosomiasis stop urinating blood and adults see their lice and scabies fall off.

“People feel a lot better,” Dr. Richards said. “Mectizan is sometimes called ‘the poor man’s Viagra.’ People stop itching, they feel great, and ‘ voila! I’ve heard of babies named Mectizan.”

But a big annual dose makes everyone sick for a day or two, and in dangerous countries like Haiti, pill-distribution days can draw gangs of thugs. Officials would prefer a slower, gentler method: adding diethylcarbamazine to household salt.

Thanks to several donors, Haiti has a salt program, but for a poor country, it is relatively expensive. The program employs about 50 people to buy local sea-salt brewed in beach pits, pick out rocks and twigs, wash it by hand, spray it with diethylcarbamazine and iodine and then rebag it.

It costs 26 cents to make each bag of salt, said Jean Marc Brissau, manager of the plant in Port-au-Prince. But it must be sold for at a loss, for 10 cents, to compete with the grimy local salt, or no one will buy it.

Getting people to accept treated salt can take time, but it is effective. China eliminated the disease by ordering villagers to use it.

Despite the costs and the obstacles, Dr. Lammie and others, like Dr. Marie Denise Milord, national director of Haiti’s campaign against filariasis, remain optimistic. Haiti hopes to wipe out the disease by 2012. “If the world will keep helping,” she said, “we will eliminate it.”

Copyright (C) 2006 The New York Times.

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The Dominion dominionpaper.ca/foreign_policy/2006/04/09/declassify.html

Foreign Policy

April 9, 2006

Declassifying Canada in Haiti: Part II

Did Canada have plans to support another military coup in Haiti’ by Anthony Fenton and Dru Oja Jay

According to classified memos obtained by The Dominion through an Access to Information Act request, Canadian officials speculated about working with Haiti’s dreaded former military in the weeks before the coup d’état that removed elected President Aristide and thousands of elected officials.

Eighteen days before the military intervention, Canadian Ambassador to Haiti Kenneth Cook wrote of the paramilitary groups that had entered the country days earlier from the Dominican Republic:

<There is clearly a military hand in the planning of current anti-government insurrectional events but it is very difficult to say [what] the potential for bringing together a significant force based on the former armed forces [is]. To date it is not considered likely but if someone like Senator (former Major) Dany Toussaint with support of Col. Himmler Rebu were to intervene the scenario would be quite different.>

The heavily censored memos acquired by The Dominion leave some doubt as to Cook’s intent. In the context of Cook’s other comments blaming Aristide for the crisis, however, the Ambassador seems to be suggesting that Haiti’s former military, led by Dany Toussaint, could be used to put an end to the crisis. The subsequent (post-coup) integration of former military personnel and officers into the Haitian National Police under the oversight of Canada’s RCMP lends further credence to this interpretation.

Variously, Toussaint www.geocities.com/haititrip2001/archive22.html had been alleged to have involvement in narcotraficking, ties to the CIA, and a possible role in the murder of radio journalist Jean Dominique. In the 1980s, he received training at the Fort Benning, Georgia “School of the Americas.” In 2001, then Republican Congressman Porter Goss wrote to Secretary of State Colin Powell that Toussaint is “credibly linked by a number of US government agencies to narcotics trafficking in Haiti.”

Interviewed two days after the coup against Aristide, Toussaint referred to paramilitary leader Guy Philippe as “a brave man who has worked for his country.” Phillipe is known for his own ties to narco-trafficking, his alleged involvement in murders and at least two previous coup attempts against Aristide, as well as his affinity for former President Ronald Reagan and Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.

Both Philippe and Toussaint would run for President in 2006, garnering few votes. Both Toussaint and Himmler Rebu agitated with the US- and European-funded “Democratic Platform,” demanding the ouster of Aristide.

The former military that Cook refers to is widely acknowledged to be responsible for massive human rights violations, including murder, torture, political repression, and overthrowing a previous democratically elected government. The Haitian military was created during an American military occupation of Haiti during WWI, and disbanded by then-President Aristide in 1994.

Again invoking the “responsibility to protect” (R2P, see part I) theme, Cook describes the situation in Northern Haiti. According to his intelligence sources, “Cap Haitien has become the scene of much violence, stores and banks are closed as are gas stations. The city is for all practical purposes isolated… A solution will have to be found to avoid a humanitarian crisis.” Several paragraphs are then censored, followed by: “This is a complicating factor in any consideration of options for a stabilizing police presence here.”

Extensive censorship raises as many questions as are addressed by the documents. 25 days of requested documents—from Feb 20 to March 15—were simply omitted without explanation.

Cook’s references to the use of military force to remove Aristide, however, fly in the face of the official story. Nine days after Cook’s memo, Canadian ministers Graham and Coderre were telling the press that Canada was seeking a peaceful settlement to the crisis, which was largely instigated by Canadian-, US- and European-funded groups within Haiti. Those countries backed the unelected government after it was imposed, and avoided acknowledging evidence of widespread political repression and human rights abuses.

The limited historical perpective available two years after the coup also raises serious questions about the use of the “responsibility to protect” doctrine. Rather than avert a crisis, foreign military intervention in Haiti became the backdrop for a major escalation of atrocities, with thousands killed, hundreds jailed for their political views, and thousands more forced into hiding after the coup.

View the documents acquired by The Dominion:
dominionpaper.ca/foia/coupmemo


Reprint rights: Non-profit publications (including the student press)
can reprint articles free of charge, if the author’s name and “The
Dominion” appear in the byline, and the address
dominionpaper.ca” appears on the same page as the article. To
reprint an article in a for-profit publication, contact
dru@dominionpaper.ca for more information.

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Forwarded by the Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network
www.ezilidanto.com
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Men Anpil Chay Pa Lou! – Many Hands Make Light a Heavy Load!

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HLLN’S MEDIA Campaign responding to media racism and libel against people of Haiti and its President-elect

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See, Urgent Media Alert:

Media Disinformation Campaign Against Haiti by New York Times, LA Times,

Miami Herald, Associated Press, – the mainstream media – EMBOLDENS the Washington Chimères and Haiti Democracy Project’s coup d’etat plans against Haiti even before Presitent-elect Renè Preval takes office!

www.winterludes.net/forum/viewtopic.php’p=14278#14278

HLLN’s Media Letter Writing Campaign: Stop Mainstream Media libelously railroading President Preval and the people of Haiti – Keep writing, denouncing these false accusations.

https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-02/msg00027.html

Letter to the New York Times from Hazel Ross-Robinson office

https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-02/msg00028.html

Why we cannot forget the past by Harry Comeau, A letter to Washington, Ottowa, Paris and the international media from a Haitian man

https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-03/msg00000.html

Letter’s to the Media – It’s the INTERNATIONAL EFFORT that has brought Haiti where it stands today. Stop these international LIES about Haiti, stop stealing and calling it “helping Haiti!” | Pouki sa lapres lang long fin dechennen kont pep Ayisyen an’ | Plans to make Haiti a penal colony and officially placed under UN Protectorate proceeds..

https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-03/msg00002.html

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HLLN’s Media Campaign to FREE the political prisoners in Haiti
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Join HLLN’S MEDIA Campaign to expose the corrupt role of the UN, US, Canada, OAS, France, this international community’s (the “International Community”) culpable role in keeping in office, over the OBJECTIONS of the majority of Haiti’s peoples, at home and abroad, for more than TWO years now, and training and paying a puppet Haitian government with no popular mandate and massive human rights abuses and political repression. Stop UN, US, OAS, Canada, France’s hypocrisy. Their authorities are the ones holding the political prisoners in Haiti, they are coup d’etat countries with the UN as their proxy. They are the RESPONDIAT SUPERIORS, not the puppet Latortue government or its corrupt and paid-off judges. Write to media urging them not to let the International Community pass the blame to their very employees – the Latortue death regime and its corrupt justice system. Demand that the mainstream media stop turning a blind eye to the truth in Haiti: the WHO holds the keys locking the political prisoners behind bars. It’s this INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY with UN soldiers as henchmen, wielding its defacto protectorate in Haiti, with Latortue regime as its proxy and “black face”

Demand that these coup d’etat implementers, FREE the people before giving back the reigns of government illegally held by the international community’s employees in Haiti.

– 3 Sample Letters for HLLN’s media campaign to protect the Feb 7th mandate,
release political prisoners, release Haiti’s children from prison immediately
https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-04/msg00002.html

– HLLN’s Urgent Action Request to the UN/US/France/Canada – RELEASE THE
POLITICAL PRISONERS before ceding Haiti back to a duly elected President and government! https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-04/msg00001.html

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ANSWER THE CALL and support the current 2006

8-point Haiti Resolution

www.margueritelaurent.com/solidarityday/18_06pressrel.html and

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FREE THE POLITICAL PRISONERS: Sample letters for HLLN’S Media Campaign to

Free Haitian children in prisons, Free the political prisoners, Protect the

Feb. 7th vote

https://lists.riseup.net/www/arc/ezilidanto/2006-04/msg00002.html

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